Wednesday, December 4, 2013

Mandela's passing and the looming threat of a race war against South Africa's whites. As a widow mourns the latest murdered Afrikaner farmer, a chilling dispatch from a nation holding its breath

  • Roelof du Plessis, 46 shot on his farm outside Pretoria by gang of black intruders
  • Fears rise that killings are part of a systematic bid to drive white people out of South Africa
  • President Jacob Zuma known to sing 'struggle song' about killing white Afrikaners
By Andrew Malone In Pretoria
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Slaughtered: Roelof du Plessis, 46, was shot dead in front of his wife Laura, 44 and son on their farm near Pretoria
Slaughtered: Roelof du Plessis, 46, was shot dead in front of his wife Laura, 44 and son on their farm
The horror started just before midnight on Wednesday this week.
After listening to the latest television news about the health of Nelson Mandela, a South African family living not far from the former President’s hospital unit turned in for the night.
But Roelof and Laura du Plessis, a married couple with four children who live on a heavily fortified farm outside Pretoria, did not have a peaceful night’s rest.
In fact they were about to become the latest victims of what white pressure groups in this troubled nation say is nothing less than a savage war against them.
Hearing noises outside their home, Mr du Plessis, 46, got out of bed and ran outside.
To his horror, he found his 19-year-old son being held with a gun to his head by a gang of five armed black attackers.
Father and son were ordered to lie on the ground. The invaders did not ask for money or the keys to the expensive vehicles in the drive. They were there only to terrorise and kill.
Hearing voices outside, Laura, 44, came out of her bedroom to investigate — and her torch illuminated an awful scene as the gang pointed guns at her husband.
Her son managed to get up and sprint off into the darkness when the men were confused by the flashlight. But Du Plessis was not so lucky.
The intruders opened fire at once, shooting him six times through the throat, lungs and abdomen.
As he writhed on the ground in agony, the men ran off into the night leaving empty bullet cartridges littering the yard.
In the darkness, Laura attempted heart massage on her husband, who could still talk despite his appalling injuries, but to no avail.
 
When I arrived at the farm on Thursday and was invited in by Mrs du Plessis, I found her with blood still caked under her fingernails after she’d cradled her dying husband.
‘He was shot through the lungs and I was doing CPR,’ she told me, between huge sobs. ‘He said “please go and fetch the car and take me to hospital”. But he was too badly hurt and he died in my arms.’
In the morning, when white friends from neighbouring farms followed the trail of the raiders, they discovered the men had carefully cut through fences and skirted areas with security patrols — suggesting how closely they had planned their route of attack.
‘It is definitely coming down to a race thing,’ Laura du Plessis told me as she was comforted by her family. ‘They hate white people. We have never had a fight with any black people. I always stop and give others a lift. We employ black people.
‘My husband fought for me. I am grateful that he wasn’t tied up and forced to watch me being raped before he was killed. He was an amazing man. He was my life.’
Gravely ill: As South Africa's unifying icon Nelson Mandela is on life support in hospital, his devoted people leave tributes outside
Gravely ill: As South Africa's unifying icon Nelson Mandela is on life support in hospital, his devoted people leave tributes outside

Troubled: South Africa is said to be on the brink of a national crisis as Nelson Mandela's health deteriorates
Troubled: South Africa is said to be on the brink of a national crisis as Nelson Mandela's health deteriorates
A friend of the family, who asked not to be named, told me he was certain that the killings are part of a sinister, systematic bid to drive white people — and, in particular, farmers — out of South Africa.
‘If this was happening in any other country, the military would be deployed to protect us,’ said the friend. ‘There are gangs moving around the country targeting white people.’
Of course the violence and privations South Africa’s blacks faced under apartheid were just as unforgiveable. Certainly, there would have been more bloodletting after the white government fell in the Nineties were it not for Mandela’s message of reconciliation.
But now, as he nears death, fears are growing that a wave of violence will be unleashed against the white population.
The statistics — and the savagery of the killings — appear to support claims by these residents that white people, and farmers in particular, are being targeted by black criminals.
Little wonder that what unfolded on the Du Plessis homestead has sent tremors of fear through the three-million-strong white community.
Last month alone there were 25 murders of white landowners, and more than 100 attacks, while Afrikaner protest groups claim that more than 4,000 have been killed since Mandela came to power — twice as many as the number of policemen who have died.
It is not just the death toll, but the extreme violence that is often brought to bear, that causes the greatest fear in the white community.
Documented cases of farm killings make for gruesome reading, with children murdered along with their parents, one family suffocated with plastic bags and countless brutal rapes of elderly women and young children.
These horrors have prompted Genocide Watch — a respected American organisation which monitors violence around the world — to claim that the murders of ‘Afrikaner farmers and other whites is organised by racist communists determined to drive whites out of South Africa, nationalise farms and mines, and bring on all the horrors of a communist state’.
Indeed, a disturbing number of whites are terrified that Mandela’s passing will lead to an outpouring of violence from black South Africans, no longer contained by the sheer power of the great man’s presence, which endures today even though he stood down as president in 1999.
For its part, the ruling ANC party dismisses claims that such murders are part of any sinister agenda, pointing out that South Africans of all colours suffer violent crime, and that wealthy whites are simply more likely to be targeted.
Splintered: Fears that Mandela's deteriorating health will lead to a surge in violence are growing
Splintered: Fears that Mandela's deteriorating health will lead to a surge in violence are growing

There has been an increase in murders of white farmers
There has been an increase in murders of white farmers in a country where there are already 60 murders each day
Critical: Neslon Mandela, pictured here in May, cannot breathe unaided
Critical: Neslon Mandela, pictured here in May, is in hospital. He cannot breathe unaided
Perhaps. But white nerves have not been soothed by the disturbing behaviour of Jacob Zuma, the ANC’s leader and the country’s third black president since Mandela.
At a centenary gathering of the African National Congress last year, Zuma was filmed singing a so-called ‘struggle song’ called Kill The Boer (the old name for much of the white Afrikaner population).
As fellow senior ANC members clapped along, Zuma sang: ‘We are going to shoot them, they are going to run, Shoot the Boer, shoot them, they are going to run, Shoot the Boer, we are going to hit them, they are going to run, the Cabinet will shoot them, with the machine-gun, the Cabinet will shoot them, with the machine-gun . . .’
Alongside him was a notorious character called Julius ‘Juju’ Malema, a former leader of the ANC youth league, who is now Zuma’s bitter enemy and is reportedly planning to launch a new political party after Mandela’s death.
A bogeyman to white South Africans, Malema is popular among young blacks, and has also been an enthusiastic singer of Kill The Boer and another song called Bring Me My Machine-Gun.
Polls this week showed a huge surge in support among young black South Africans for his policies, which he says will ignore reconciliation, and fight for social justice in an ‘onslaught against [the] white male monopoly’.
With chilling echoes of neighbouring Zimbabwe, where dictator Robert Mugabe launched a murderous campaign to drive white farmers off the land in 2000, Malema wants all white-owned land to be seized without compensation, along with nationalisation of the country’s lucrative mines.
Ominously, Malema, 32, who wears a trademark beret and has a fondness for Rolex watches, this month promised his new party will take the land from white people without recompense and give it to blacks. 
‘We need the land that was taken from our people, and we are not going to pay for it,’ he said. ‘We need a party that will say those who were victims of apartheid stand to benefit unashamedly, and those who perpetuated apartheid must show remorse and behave in a manner that says they regret their conduct.’
Enthusiastically backed by Winnie Mandela, Nelson’s second wife — who is still hugely popular in South Africa despite her suspected role in several murders — Malema is a charismatic figure who once threw a BBC correspondent out of a press conference for asking about his wealthy lifestyle.
His words have done nothing to allay the fears of white communities, some of which have taken extreme measures to protect themselves.
This week I visited Kleinfontein in Pretoria, a white-only community of 1,000 men, women and children who live behind high fences, with a gatehouse manned by men in military fatigues, who also carry out regular patrols of the grounds to prevent black intruders entering.
Anyone without an appointment with an official resident is refused entry. If they are black, they will not get in at all.
Inside, there is a shopping mall, while the town has its own water supply and sewage system. All manual work is carried out by white residents. 
There is a rugby pitch, opulent homes overlooking miles of open countryside where antelope and zebra roam, and a hospital for the elderly residents.
Most crucially of all, in a country with 60 murders a day, there is no armed robbery, murder or rape in Kleinfontein. ‘An old lady can draw money here without any fear,’ says Marisa Haasbroek, a resident, mother of two teenage girls, and my guide for the morning.
‘It’s safe, quiet and peaceful. It’s not racist — it is about protecting our Afrikaner cultural identity.’
Like all the residents, she is descended from the first Afrikaners, the Dutch settlers who came to South Africa and were driven into the African interior on the famous Great Trek during the war with the British from 1899 to 1902.
Kleinfontein has been in existence since Mandela’s first presidency in 1994 — but its existence remained largely unknown until reports last year that black police officers had been barred from entry to the property.
Divisive: President Jacob Zuma is known for singing 'struggle songs' about killing white Afrikaners
Divisive: President Jacob Zuma is known for singing 'struggle songs' about killing white Afrikaners
To get round race laws, Kleinfontein insists its criteria for entry are not based on skin colour. It claims to exist to protect distinct Afrikaans-speaking people and culture, and that English-speaking white people are also banned, so the community is non-racist.
The Afrikaners, of course, were those who devised and presided over apartheid, a gruesome social experiment that did so much to divide the nation and subjugate the black population.
With Mandela on a life support machine, the founders of this community in the so-called ‘Rainbow Nation’ were this week being inundated with requests by other whites to join them.
‘I think there will be trouble,’ Anna, an elderly lady tending her garden inside the all-white compound, tells me. 
‘There may be tribal warfare first between the black races. Then they might turn on us.’ 
Standing near a sign written in Afrikaans stating ‘ons is hier om te bly’ (we are here to stay), Marike, another resident, was convinced that there is a sinister plot to kill all whites.
‘You don’t attack farms and rape 80-year-old women with broken bottles and kill their husbands for a mobile phone,’ Marike says. ‘People say it’s not genocide — but it is.’ 
Such uncertainty about the future has been given added credence by the tawdry, shameful scenes surrounding Mandela’s death bed — where his family were last night continuing to squabble over where he should be buried and who should get the most loot from tourists visiting the grave.
Despite all the arguments about the future direction of the country, the truth is that only one thing has stayed the same in South Africa before and after Mandela’s presidency: the mutual fear and distrust between some blacks and whites, particularly in rural areas away from the cosmopolitan cities of Johannesburg and Cape Town.
Yet as one acquaintance of mine, a black security guard named Pietor, told me yesterday: ‘The whites said they would be slaughtered when Mandela came to power, and thought they’d be killed when he stood down as President.
'Now, they’re saying they will be slaughtered when Mandela dies. Black people just want jobs and a decent life, not killing.’
Nelson Mandela dreamed of a South Africa that was at peace with itself — and warned that the black population taking vengeance on whites would only deepen old enmities.
Whether the black leaders who are following him can muster an ounce of his authority or humanity remains to be seen.

Thursday, November 28, 2013

Special Forces to Save Whites- In South Africa

Special Forces to Save Whites
In South Africa, a former member of the special forces has founded a new security company to protect farmers. Wynand du Toit points out that more than 4,800 white farmers have been murdered since the ANC took power in 1994, and has no doubt about the purpose of the killings: “There are no traditional criminals involved in the farm attacks. It is well-planned, military-style operations that are taking place. It is a well-planned action [aimed at forcing] white farmers to abandon their farms so that blacks can move in.” Lately, he says, attackers let their victims call neighbors for help and then ambush and kill the rescuers as well. He adds that it is no accident blacks target children for rape and torture: “Children are the future. Destroying children prevents us from having a future. Of course, the killing of children is also a psychological onslaught against the farmer, which might force him to leave his farm in order to protect them.”

Mr. du Toit’s new security company, Lanseria Protection Services, has teams of ex-special forces men on call 24 hours a day, who can be helicoptered anywhere in the country or parachute out of airplanes. He says the attackers have been frightened away from the areas in which his men have been active, and that local farmers look on his service as their only hope for survival. Mr. du Toit thinks the killings are orchestrated by the Pan African Congress, and that the ANC is not yet at the stage of systematically killing whites. At the same time, police morale is so low, and so many experienced white officers are quitting, he thinks that within several years it will not be possible to solve major crimes. He notes that whites cannot count on help from abroad: “I have not noticed any response from the U.N., U.S. or the UK to the killings by blacks of white farmers in South Africa. Remember, we are white. Only whites can be racist. Blacks can’t be racist. They do not lie, and in the eyes of many overseas people, these attacks must be seen as a justification of the past. I do not think that the U.N. will spend one minute a month on the murders in South Africa.” [Anthony C. LoBaido, Wynand du Toit, a Special Forces Hero Committed to Saving Farmers at Risk in Southern Africa, WorldNetDaily. com, Aug. 15, 2001.]
One of the more hideous recent attacks took place on July 27, when eight blacks attacked Mr. and Mrs. Johan le Grange, an impoverished rural couple in their 80s. They tortured both victims with hot irons and tore out fingernails before beating Mr. le Grange to death. Mrs. le Grange survived but remains severely traumatized. The men then went next door to the home of the le Grange’s daughter and her four-year-old daughter, whom they raped and tortured for several hours — but did not kill.
Henda Wolfardt, a South African farmer who lives near Ventersdorp with her husband and two sons has noticed a world-wide pattern: “The blacks are killing whites in Zimbabwe, Kenya, South Africa and even in the U.S. in the recent riots in Seattle and Cincinnati. In Australia, the Aborigines are calling for the blood of the white farmers. The Russians are fighting against Islam in Chechnya. White Christians are attacked in the Balkans and Macedonia. What will it take for people to wake up?” [Anthony C. LoBaido, Killing of South Africa Farmers Intensifies, WorldNet Daily.com, Aug. 1, 2001.]
Zim: Bad to Worse
Deterioration continues in Zimbabwe. On August 26, the British newspaper The Telegraph reported that it had received a copy of a secret government document called “Operation Give up and Leave,” which outlined a terror strategy for ridding the country of whites. “The operation should be thoroughly planned so that farmers are systematically harassed and mentally tortured and their farms destabilised until they give in and give up,” it read in part. It says the “Pamire-silencing method” should be used on any farmer who resists, a reference to Chris Pamire, a businessman who fell out with President Robert Mugabe and died in a mysterious road accident.
War “veterans” invade a white farm.
A Zimbabwe government spokesman says the document is rubbish, but events seem to be following its plan. Though the area around the town of Chinhoyi has been particularly hard hit by blacks looting and vandalizing white farm houses, the town itself has been safe. Recently, Pres. Mugabe’s followers forced all whites off the streets of Chinhoyi, beating up any they could find. Joy Moolman, a white farmer’s wife, has circulated an e-mail message reporting that blacks later went on an especially nasty tear through the countryside, turning out whites and making off with wagon loads of their possessions. Mrs. Moolman writes that her husband is a pilot and flew over the area reporting which way the gangs were headed so farmers could evacuate their families.
Under the title “Whites Finished in Zimbabwe,” the August 12 issue of the British newspaper Daily Mail published a letter from a white Zimbabwean that read, in part: “There is a fin de atmosphere among white people now, a sad, bitter resignation to the fact that our world is crumbling around us. It’s like going through a bereavement for the beloved country many of our families came to from England 100 years ago. It’s an agonising process: anger, denial, bargaining — then maybe death.
“The entire younger generation of whites know they are not wanted and have left or are leaving. The older generation is still desperate to live out what remains of their lives in what is left of British colonial style…”
“Suburban street signs have been removed wholesale — we think they are being melted down and made into coffin handles. Graves have been opened, corpses dumped in the bush and coffins taken for resale, spruced up with the aluminium from the signs.”
He writes that the whole country feels like one big departure lounge, as whites clear out. At 50,000, whites are 0.6 percent of the population, down from 200,000 when Robert Mugabe came to power and asked whites to stay. Even face to face with hatred, whites seem unwilling to shed their illusions. The man writes that one white “revealed that what really depressed him was the seeming indifference of most black Zimbabweans to what is happening to the whites.”
He continues: “The government knows if it can drive whites out of Zimbabwe the rest of the world, and particularly the Western media, will lose interest and then it will be able to deal with its political opposition in no uncertain terms. If that happens, there will be a descent into poverty and terror from which Zimbabwe, once a civilised and sophisticated nation, may never emerge.”
What has been the reaction in white nations to this clear example of ethnic cleansing? Australian MPs have discussed the possibility of asking Mr. Mugabe not to come to the October Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Brisbane. Members of the European Parliament have urged the 15 member states to freeze any bank accounts held by Mr. Mugabe, to refuse to let him visit, and to consider suspending financial aid to Zimbabwe. American congressmen have considered — but not passed — legislation to impose financial sanctions.
In the latest round of pusillanimity, Britain has agreed to head up a group to compensate whites for the farmland to be taken from them, if Mr. Mugabe will only agree to an orderly, non-violent program of dispossession. Mr. Mugabe says he will study the agreement, announced September 7 in Nigeria.
“Veterans” load loot from
a white farmer’s house.
Meanwhile, in late August, Britain denied asylum to a white Zimbabwean fruit farmer who was beaten unconscious by Zimbabwean authorities who also murdered his girlfriend. Roy Page says he is afraid to go home, and says a number of his 300 former employees were killed simply for saying they wanted him back. The British position is that Mr. Page has nothing to fear if he returns, but has permitted him to appeal the ruling. [Christina Lamb and David Bamber, Mugabe’s Secret Plan to Evict All Whites, Telegraph (London), Aug. 26, 2001. Zimbabwe Denies It Plans to Evict All White Farmers, Reuters, Aug. 27, 2001. Kathy Kittley, Beaten-up Farmer Pleads to Stay Here, Telegraph, Aug. 30, 2001. David Blair, The Last Gamble of Zimbabwe’s White Tribe, Telegraph, Aug. 18, 2001. Glenn McKenzie, Zimbabwe to Stop Occupying White Farms, AP, Sept. 7, 2001.]

Monday, November 25, 2013

My Korrespondensie met die Boere-Afrikaner Volksraad

In My Briewe aan die Boere-Afrikaner volksraad 

Het dit  Vir my duidelik geword dat die Volksraad aktief besig is met selfs regstappe en ingehandigde eise vir die boere-Afrikaner se onafhanklikheid.
In My opinie is die Boere-Afrikaner Volksraad die enigste party wat my persoonlike goedkeuring wegdrae om die Volk te lei.
My innige dank aan Mnr Ben Geldenhuys en die res van die raad vir Hulle harde werk, deursettings vermoe en liefde vir hulle Volk.

Wednesday, November 13, 2013

My korrespondensie met die VF+

My Brief aan VF+
Geagte Mnr Mulder. Ons is weer voor die deur van n algemene verkiesing met die Afrikaner Volk bitter verdeeld en onseker vir wie om te stem. Vir wie stem ons waar ons ons vertroue kan plaas dat so n party werklik sal opstaan vir die Volk, Die Grusame, onmenslike moorde op ons Volk ter harte sal neem en ons uit die omstandighede uitlei. N leier wie nie sal stilsit en in stilswye verdwyn nie. N leier wie n toekoms vir sy volk sal verseker, Ons mense huistoe bring wie moes Vlug voor die Vyand se rassisme en honger om te moor.n Leier wie besef om tussen die Vyand te leef is die oorsaak van derduisende Afrikaners en boere wie wreed verkrag, vermoor en selfs gemartel word, deesdae selfs ons kindertjies Mnr Mulder. Ek Vra vandag vir U met respek. Is U daardie Leier, Is die VF+ Daardie Party Mnr mulder.In die lig dat U uiters stil is vir Jare Reeds wil ek graag Vir U vra, Moet ek vir U stem en hoekom, watse verskil sou U maak, Watse aksies sou U neem met die Volk agter U? Byvoorbaat dank.Die Uwe. Theo Jacobs
Like · · Promote ·
  • Corne Mulder Naand Theo. Ek het jou skrywe onder die aandag van Dr Pieter Mulder gebring en ek glo hy sal jou binnekort antwoord. Mooi aand
    17 hours ago · Edited · Like

    Ek het in 14 Dae Geen turugvoer van Pieter Mulder Ontvang nie. In my opinie het Pieter Mulder nie tyd om n Lewens belangrike vraag wat die toekoms van die Volk aangaan te antwoord nie en laat my dan geen ander keuse as om te aanvaar ek as n Afrikaner is van geen belang vir Pieter Mulder nie.Mnr Mulder, U sal ongelukkig nie my stem kry nie, Ek is opsoek na n Afrikaner Party wat die Volk sy eerste prioriteit maak.

My Korrespondensie met OASE

ek wil OASE eerstens dank vir hulle harde werk en effektiewe turugvoer. Ek het wel n probleem wat ek hoop u by Oase kan my mee help. Eerstens het U aan my geskryf dat daar geen bewyse van "White genocide" is nie. Ek is bitter verbaas oor die stelling en bevraagteken selfde. Tweedens het U aan my geskryf en gese daar is geen ( soos ons almal weet ) ras gebonde statistieke wat presies kan wys hoeveel afrikaners deur die Vyand vermoor is nie, dan skryf U sedert 1994 is 360 000 mense van alle rasse vermoor waarvan minder as 50 000 blankes was en dat die meeste van die blankes Afrikaners was. Ek sou graag wou weet waar U hierdie statistieke bekom het. By voorbaat dank.

November 25
Ek het in 14 Dae Geen turugvoer van Oase gehad betreffende my vraag oor waar hulle hulle syfers kry nie, dit wil blyk ek is ook geignoreer na my vraag oor Whitegenocide.
My waarneming is dus dan dat Oase Syfers rondgooi wat eerstens nie sin maak nie, tweedens nie deur Oase bewys kan word nie.
My Finale Waarneming is dat OASE Hulle self dan in die kamp plaas van die partye wat White Genocide in Suid Afrika ONTKEN.??

Friday, November 8, 2013

Some 8million foreign Africans or more..  may have already strolled into SA since 1994: where they set up their own little ethnic-Bantustan enclaves in squatter-camps countrywide
May 11 2013 - Thousands of black-African foreigners flock daily to South Africa to seek a 'better life'. Many end up as beggars on the streets, setting up their own little 'Bantustan' ethnic-enclaves in sprawling shanty-towns around all the major cities -- and survive in a life of often very violent crime. The biggest migration in the world is now quietly taking place in South Africa. Many millions of famished, terrified Zimbabweans and other destitute Africans continue to stream into South Africa,
BlackAfricanMigrantsFloodSAByTheMillionsAsPoliticalAsylumSeekers
Estimates range from five million to eight million illegal migrants from the rest of Africa living in South Africa. They flock in  from  many African countries - Somalia and Nigeria to Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Swaziland and Lesotho. They often have to dodge dangerous wildlife such as man-eating lion prides who became used to their presence - and crocodiles. "Strolling" is the operative word: as this video shows for instance, how easy it is for Zimbabweans to enter South Africa illegally by simply walking across a shallow portion of the Limpopo River. In Oct 2009, the SA home office already reported a backlog of 640,000 'asylum seekers' which would take thirty years to clear up.  And meanwhile, South African whites are also fleeing the country of their birth in large numbers. link and link
Strolling across the border into South Africa:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=65uAvLxTWpQ
It is estimated that South Africa harbours at least Five-million to Eight-million migrants.  And the ANC-regime's own incredible greed is the only reason for this tsunami of under-educated, unemployable black Africans flooding into South Africa and adding an increasingly unbearable burden on all its resources. These migrants also are beginning to form organised criminal gangs which work together with criminal SA police officers, adding to the country's violent-crime rates.    It came to light this week when nine SAPS officers were arrested, that the ANC-controlled officials earned at least R100,000 a day stamping 'tourists' passports in exchange for R150 each. The migrants arrive by the busloads. And It is believed that at least three million of these "tourists' are Zimbabweans (pop. 12,5-million in 2008). South Africa keeps boasting about its ' soaring tourism trade '. How many of these 'tourists' however ever return to their countries of origin?
Xenophobic violence against black African foreigners forces self-protection enclaves: i.e. 'ethnic mini-Bantustans'
The Zimbabweans ifteb apply for political asylum: many arrived to escape the political and economic instability caused by Robert Mugabe's government. But South Africa is now becoming equally violent and unstable. To protect themselves from xenophobic violence by local Black South Africans, many migrants are banding together in their own little ethnic enclaves.

Wednesday, November 6, 2013

Australia Grond eise


Australia dalk nie so goeie heenkome vir Afrikaner Vlugtelinge nie. Australia
Grond-eise deur die Aboriginals.

Thursday, October 31, 2013

AWB behind Griekwastad murders claim

AWB behind Griekwastad murders claim: A female AWB member has claimed that an AWB "hit squad" carried out the murders of three members of a Griekwastad family on their Northern Cape farm in April last year.

Einde

In My opinie is die laagste van die laeklas lede van n organisasie wat aanvalle en / of moord teen hulle eie Volk loots ongeag enige vorm van lam verskonings. Ek sal verder ondersoek instel na die voorval en indien die bewerings waar is die betrokke individie op die Volksveraad lys plaas.Admin.

Nuus


Kimberley - A police officer rejected claims by a rightwing woman that she played a part in the Steenkamp murders on a farm near Griekwastad last year, the Northern Cape High Court heard on Monday.
"There is no truth in these allegations," investigating officer Dick de Waal testified.
Northern Cape Judge President Frans Kgomo was hearing evidence in the trial of a 17-year-old boy accused of killing Northern Cape farmer Deon Steenkamp, 44, his wife Christelle, 43, and daughter Marthella, 14. They were shot on their farm Naauwhoek, near Griekwastad, on 6 April 2012.
Information
De Waal told the court he had received information from three sources since the court last heard the matter.
The new information was received from a woman in Kuruman, a man who called a State witness, and a woman, Cornelia de Wet, who was in prison in Middelburg, Mpumalanga.
It was reported that De Wet, a member of the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (AWB), had confessed to her alleged role in the murders of the Steenkamps.
The Diamond Fields Advertiser reported that 37-year-old De Wet, in custody for possession of explosives and ammunition, alleged the Steenkamp murders were part of a plan to attack white farmers in an attempt to instil fear and incite racial hatred.
Prosecutor Hannes Cloete questioned De Waal on how he had handled all the additional information in the case since the last court sitting. De Waal testified that all the information was followed up, statements were taken and added to the docket.
The boy’s defence team was given all the statements.
The court heard the State brought De Wet to Kimberley so that the boy’s defence team could consult with the woman.
- SAPA

Wednesday, October 30, 2013

Savages torture then murder white Family

VianaFamilyMassacreTorturedToDeathByBlackAggressorsSA

White Farmers Murdered by Blacks

There were roughly 128 000 commercial farmers in South Africa in 1980. Today there are 40 000 commercial farmers left in South Africa.

Since 1994, more than 4000 farmers have been murdered and many more maimed, tortured, raped and assaulted.

Go to beeld.com. I guarantee that you will read about either a farm murder or an elderly couple that was murdered EVERY DAY.


The percentages are pretty alarming. Even though it's an inaccurate way of expressing murder rates, one could argue that almost 10% of white farmers in South Africa have been murdered.

White South Africans killed enmass!

Writing about “Black on White” attacks are not my effort to drive a racist wedge between different population groups, but to highlight the plight of the White population in South Africa. Almost all of these murders are totally ignored by the media. Because of Apartheid people are so oversensitive about the race issue that any atrocity afflicted on the White population by the Black population is either ignored, explained away and in the worst cases applauded! I have heard people say that white people being brutally murdered, raped and families destroyed is just retribution for the past and that this nation must just swallow it. There are more psychopaths out there than one thinks! Those committing the crimes and those silently agreeing to it fall in the same category!

From only 1 January 2013 to 27 June 2013 there were 230 “Black on White” attacks. 97 MURDERED, 17 women and 2 men RAPED, in most cases by a whole gang! There were 3 people left with PERMANENT BRAIN DAMAGE and 1 PARALYSED. There were 102 FARM ATTACKS and 30 people MURDERED during these attacks.
All of this happened from only January 2013 and does not include the thousands of other such cases since 1994, when the ANC took over Government of SA.

In one whole year, there was one attack of a white man on a black man which was with a golf club on a golf course. There were 3 weeks of media attention given to this case and it was labelled as a “Racist Golf Club Attack”.
Less than 20% of the black on white attacks have been reported in the media and never once was it called a racist attack.

When there is “Black on Black” violence like Somalis killed by South African black people it is called Xenophobic attacks. When there are Black Lesbian Women raped and killed by Black Men, they call it Corrective Rape (sickening!) All of these attacks are atrocious and shows the sick mentality of a huge population group in South Africa. At least those cases get media attention! Even the Somali President, Sheik Mohammed, contacted SA president, Mr Zuma to “act immediately” to arrest those responsible.

I do not condone any violence, whether it is black on white or vica versa. Life in general is too valuable to be destroyed in such a manner.

A huge part of this issue is the media not reporting on the problem of “Black on White” attacks. I am asking myself if the government is hushing up the media, or if they are so scared of the ANC that they just keep quiet. HOW PATHETIC!

Thank God for Social Media! The truth will come out whether those trying to manipulate and justify the facts want to or not!

Now and again an article finds its way into the international media.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-22554709
12 July 2012
The African National Congress has been South Africa’s governing party since the Presidency of Nelson Mandela 17 years ago, following the end of white minority rule and apartheid. In the years under apartheid, hate speech was used by both supporters and opponents of the apartheid system to stir up their followers. When racial tensions in South Africa ran high, the song “Kill the Farmer, Shoot the Boer” was a revolutionary song of the anti-apartheid movement. However, it is an illustration of the long-term impact that such de-humanizing language can have.
After many years when such songs were no longer sung, in 2010, prominent members of the ANC Youth League, in particular Julius Malema, President of the ANC Youth League, openly sang the “Shoot the Boer” song at ANC Youth League rallies. Not only did revival of the song strike fear into the hearts of Boer farmers, but it has actually been sung during attacks on white farmers. It is an incitement to murder white Afrikaner farmers.
Over 3000 white farmers have been murdered since 1994. The South African police have not made investigation and prosecution of these farm murders a priority, dismissing them as crimes by common criminals. The government has disbanded the commando units of white farmers that once protected their farms, and has passed laws to confiscate the farmers’ weapons. Disarmament of a targeted group is one of the surest early warning signs of future genocidal killings.
A recent outbreak of violent farm invasions has led to casualties among white South Africans. The farm invasions are direct results of calls by Julius Malema and his Deputy, Ronald Lamola for whites to give up their land without compensation, or face violence by angry black youths “flooding their farms.”
In response to Julius Malema, the Freedom Front (FF) cited Section 16.2c of the South African Constitution, which restricts freedom of speech rights by excluding as unprotected speech "advocacy of hatred based on race, ethnicity, gender or religion and incitement to cause harm.” The FF contended that Malema’s singing of the “Shoot the Boer” song was hate speech and therefore a human rights violation. Acting Judge of the South Gauteng High Court, Leon Halgryn declared that the song is hate speech, and it is unconstitutional to either utter or sing “dubul’ibhunu” (“shoot the Boer.”) He issued an injunction against Malema, ordering him to no longer sing the song. The phrase is now considered hate speech.
Julius Malema was shortly thereafter removed as President of the ANC Youth League, and ejected from the ANC. However, Malema’s followers have defied the judgment and continue to sing the song. Even
President Jacob Zuma sang “Shoot the Boer” at the ANC Centenary Celebration event in January of 2012. He claimed that its use at the ANC Centenary was not intended as hate speech, but rather to commemorate the struggle against apartheid.
Despite President Zuma’s proclaimed intent, his singing of the song may be contributing to an increasingly hostile environment that threatens the safety of white South Africans. The number of murders of Boer farmers has increased each month in 2012.
For ten years, Genocide Watch has been the only international human rights group willing to declare an Alert about the high murder rate of Boer farmers, perhaps because it is not “politically correct” to defend the rights of people who once supported apartheid. Genocide Watch is opposed to all forms of racism, from whatever the source. The President of Genocide Watch actively supported the anti-apartheid movement in constitutional consultations with the United Democratic Front when he was a Fulbright Professor of Law in Swaziland. He has visited South Africa several times since and will soon visit again.

ANC's Camp Quatro

Camp Quatro - ANC crimes against humanity


Tuesday, December 8, 2009

Inside Quatro: Uncovering the Exile History of the ANC and SWAPO


This book by Paul Trewhela, uncovers some of the exile history (savagery) of the ANC and SWAPO that both organisations would prefer not to remember. Here is a first-hand account of the ANC's Quatro prison camp and of the mutiny in Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) in Angola in 1984; articles on the SWAPO 'spy drama' of the 1970s and 1980s; an analysis of a death in exile with implications relating to Jacob Zuma; and a study of the responses of both the ANC and SWAPO to these episodes of intolerance, repression and excess. In all his essays, Trewelha analyses problems of the liberation struggles with a former insider's knowledge and a journalist's ability to ferret out the facts.

In this edited extract from his book, Inside Quatro: Uncovering the Exile history of the ANC and Swapo, Paul Trewhela sheds light on a past that the ANC would prefer to forget.


The ANC's Quatro was best described in a terse statement by Zaba Maledza, when he said: "When you get in there, forget about human rights."
This was a statement from a man who had lived in Quatro during one of the worst periods in its history, from 1980 to 1982.
Established in 1979, Quatro was supposed to be the rehabilitation centre of the ANC, where enemy agents who had infiltrated the ANC would be "re-educated" and would be made to love the ANC through the opportunity to experience the humane character of its ideals.
Regrettably, through a process that still cries out for explanation, Quatro became worse than any prison that even the apartheid regime - itself considered a crime against humanity - had ever had.

However harsh the above statement, however disagreeable to the fighters against the monstrous apartheid system, it is a truth that needs bold examination by our people, and the whole of the ANC membership.

To examine the history of Quatro is to uncover the concealed forces that operate in a political organisation such as the ANC.
Quatro, officially known as Camp 32, was renamed after Morris Seabelo (real name Lulamile Dantile), one of the ANC's first and trusted commanders. He was a Soviet-trained intelligence officer, a student at the Moscow Party Institution and a publicised young hero of the South African Communist Party. In late 1985 he mysteriously lost his life at an underground ANC residence in Lesotho, where none of those he was with, including Nomkhosi Mini, was spared to relate the story.
Located about 15km from the town of Quibaxe, north of Luanda, Quatro was one of the most feared of the secret camps of the ANC, and only a selected few in the ANC leadership, (Mzwandile Piliso, Joe Modise, Andrew Masondo and also the then general secretary of the SA Communist Party, Moses Mabhida) had access.
The administration of the camp was limited to members of the security forces, mostly young members of the underground SACP. Such were most of its administrative staff - for example, Sizwe Mkhonto, also an East German-trained intelligence officer and former political student at the Moscow Party Institution, who was camp commander for a long time; Afrika Nkwe, also Soviet intelligence and a politically trained officer, who was a senior commander and commissar at Quatro, with occasional relapses of mental illness; Griffiths Seboni; and Cyril Burton, all falling within the same categories, to name but a few.

The security guards and warders were drawn from the young and politically naive fanatic supporters of the military leadership of Joe Modise and Oliver Tambo, who kept to strict warnings about secrecy. They were not allowed to talk to anyone about anything that took place in an "ANC rehabilitation centre".

The prisoners themselves were transported blindfolded and flat on the floor of the security vehicle carrying them. Upon arrival in the camp they were given pseudonyms and were strictly limited, allowed only to know their cellmates, and not to peep through the windows.

From whatever corner they emerged, or whatever turn they took within the premises of the prison, they had to seek "permission to pass". Any breaches of these rules of secrecy, whether intentional or by mistake, were punishable by beatings and floggings.


To crown it all, when prisoners were released they had to sign a document committing them never to release any form of information relating to the conditions of their stay in the prison camp, and never to disclose their activities there or the forms of punishment meted out to them.

The place had seven communal cells, some of which used to be storerooms for the Portuguese colonisers, and five isolation cells, crowded so much that a mere turn of a sleeping position by a single prisoner would awaken the whole cell. With minimal ventilation, conditions were suffocating, dark and damp even in the dry and hot Angolan climate.
Even (then ANC president) Oliver Tambo was forced to comment, when he visited the place for the first time in August 1987, that the cells were too dark and suffocating.
In every cell there was a corner reserved for five-litre bottle-like plastic containers covered with cardboard, which served as a toilet where, in the sight of all cellmates, you were expected to relieve yourself. With a strong stench coming from the toilet area, and lice-infected blanket rags that stayed unwashed for months or even years on end, the prison authorities would keep the doors wide open and perhaps light perfumed lucky-sticks before visiting ANC leaders could enter the cells.

Outside, the premises of the camp were so clean from the beaten and forced prison labour that Tambo found himself commenting: "The camp is very clean and beautiful, but the mood and atmosphere inside the cells is very gloomy."

The life activity of the inmates at Quatro was characterised by aggressive physical and psychological humiliation that could only be documented by the efforts of all the former prisoners and perhaps honest security guards combined.

Botiki, one of the former detainees, who lived through camp life in Quatro during its worst period, said of the place: "What I've seen there is frightening and incredible."

For a long time, Quatro had been a place of interest to many cadres, and it was very difficult to learn details of the place from ex-detainees. The ANC security had instilled so much fear in them that they hardly had any hope that the situation could be changed.
The meek behaviour and fear of authority shown by ex-detainees, the intimidating and domineering posture of the security personnel, attempted and successful suicides committed by ex-prisoners such as Leon Madakeni, "Mark", and Nonhlanhla Makhuba when faced with the possibility of re-arrest, and the common mental disturbance of the guards and personnel at Quatro, and what they talked about in their deranged state, threw light on what one was likely to expect in this "rehabilitation centre".
In Quatro the prisoners were given invective names that were meant to destroy them psychologically, names "closely reflecting the crimes committed by the prisoners".

Among the mutineers, we had Zaba Maledza, who was named Muzorewa, after a notorious traitor in Zimbabwe; Sidwell Moroka, named Dolinchek, after a Yugoslav mercenary involved in a coup attempt in the Seychelles; and Maxwell Moroaledi, named Mgoqozi, a Zulu name for an instigator.

There were many other extremely rude names that cannot be written here. Otherwise, generally, every prisoner was called umdlwembe, a political bandit.
The daily routine started at six with the emptying of toilet chambers, during which prisoners would run down to a big pit under whipping from "commanders" (security guards). After this, prisoners would be allowed to wash from a single quarter-drum container at incredible speed. The whole prisoner population had to wash from a single container, with water unchanged, taking turns as they went out to dispose of the "chambers".
The occupants of the last cells out would suffer most, because they would find very little water, which was very dirty.
The very activity of prisoners washing was a big concession, because before 1985 it was not even considered necessary for the prisoners to wash and they were infested with lice. Each group of prisoners was required to use literally one minute to wash and any delay would lead to serious beatings.

Back to the cell after washing in the open ground, the prisoners of Quatro would be given breakfast, which would either be tea or a piece of bread, or sometimes a soup of beans. They were normally given spoiled food that was rejected by the cadres of the ANC in the camps, and it was normally half-cooked by the beaten, insulted and frightened prisoners.

The two other meals, lunch and supper, were usually mealie meal and beans, or rice and beans, sometimes in extremely large quantities, which prisoners were forced to eat. To make certain that everything had been eaten, there was an irregular check of toilet chambers.

Alongside the emaciated prisoners there were security guards who lived extravagantly, drinking beer every week: privileges unknown in other ANC establishments.

During periods of extreme shortages of food for the prisoners, those who were working banked their hopes on the leftovers from the tables of the security officers and guards. Simultaneously with the taking of breakfast, those who wished to visit the medical point would be allowed out.



The clinic at Quatro was one of the worst places to visit, usually manned by half-baked and very brutal personnel. A visit to the clinic usually resulted in beatings of sick people and extremely inhumane treatment for the prisoners.

"Errol" who had problems with his swelling leg, was subjected to such inconsiderate treatment and beatings whenever he visited the clinic that he finally lost his life. Some prisoners would be forced to go to work while sick, for fear of revealing their state of health that would land them in the clinic.

Even reporting your sickness needed a very careful choice of words. For instance, if you had been injured during beatings by the "commanders", you were not supposed to say that you had been beaten.

In Quatro, "commanders" didn't beat prisoners, they "corrected" them; this was the way the propaganda went. A prisoner received a "corrective measure".
After the prisoners had polished the boots of the commanders and ironed their uniforms, at eight o'clock the time for labour would begin.

In Quatro there were certain cells earmarked for hard and hazardous labour. During this period, the cells that contained mainly mutineers were subjected to the hardest tasks.

Lighter duties, such as cooking and cleaning the surroundings, were given to other groups of prisoners, while the mutineers carried out other work, such as chopping wood and cutting logs, digging trenches and constructing dug-outs, and - most feared of all - pushing the water tank up a steep and rough road.

Every kind of work at Quatro was done with incredible speed. Prisoners were not allowed to walk: they were always expected to be on the double from point to point in the camp.

The group that was chopping wood would leave the camp at eight to search for a suitable tree to fell. Everybody had to have an axe. With work starting after eight, chopping would continue without a break until 12, and the prisoners were not even expected to appear tired. "A bandit doesn't get tired," went the saying.

Whipping with coffee tree sticks, trampling by military boots, blows with fists and claps on your inflated cheeks (known as ukumpompa) became part of the labour process.

The work quota that prisoners were expected to accomplish was totally unreasonable, but they were liable for serious punishment for any failure to fulfil it.

Many prisoners at Quatro had their ears damaged internally because of ukumpompa, which was sometimes done by using canvas shoes or soles of sandals.

The same situation prevailed in other duties. Unreasonably heavy logs for dugouts had to be carried up the slopes.

Every prisoner tried to get a piece of cloth for himself to cushion the logs so as to protect his shoulders, but prisoners still did these duties with patches of bruises incurred as a result of this labour.

The most feared duty in Quatro was the pushing of the huge water tank, normally drawn by heavy military trucks, by the prisoners themselves for a distance of about three or four kilometres from the water reservoir to the camp.

Like cattle, they would struggle with the tank and the "commanders", wielding sticks, would be around whipping prisoners like slaves whenever they felt like it or when the pace was too slow.

Prisoners in Quatro behaved like frightened zombies, who would nervously jump in panic just at the sight of commanders, let alone at a rebuke or a beating.
In the process of these beatings during labour time, prisoners who could not cope with the work were sometimes beaten to death. Such was the death of one prisoner, who died from blows to the back of his head from Leonard Maweni, one of the security guards.

Two others were unable to carry some heavy planks from a place far away from the camp, after the truck that had been carrying them broke down. Upon arrival in the camp they were summoned from their cell, under instructions from Dan Mashigo, who was the camp's chief of staff, and were taken for flogging at a spot near the camp. One never came back to his cell, and the other one died a short while after returning to his cell.

This was in complete conflict with what Dexter Mbona - the security chief in Quatro and later ANC regional chief of security in Angola - told the mutineers (who had challenged the leadership and demanded to be sent home to fight in South Africa rather than be kept in exile) when addressing them on their very first day of arrival.

On that occasion, he said: "This camp is not a prison, but a rehabilitation centre, and it has changed from what you portrayed it to be during the time of Mkatashingo (the mutiny)."

Quatro was still a place of daily screams and pleas for mercy from physically abused prisoners. Saturday was the worst day.

It was a day of strip and cell searches; the commanders would enter each cell with sticks and the search would commence.

If a single prisoner made even a slight mistake as a result of panic, the whole cell would be in for it, and to drown the noise of their screams, other cells would be instructed to sing.

As already mentioned, the whole story about this camp needs to be investigated to establish who were the masterminds behind these gross violations of human rights.

Both psychologically and physically, the camp has done a lot of damage to those who found themselves imprisoned there.

Some have become psychological wrecks, while others have contracted sicknesses such as epileptic fits.

What is certain is that Andrew Masondo, Mzwandile Piliso and Joe Modise were heavily involved in these sinister political machinations.

But was the topmost leadership of the ANC unaware?




I can already see the comrades commenting on this article saying that the prisoners on Robben Island were treated badly. Were they, really?

No, they weren't. Check out this page if you don't believe me...
http://www.thetruthaboutsouthafrica.com/2012/11/robben-island-vs-camp-quatro.html

hatecrimes by black people

Hatecrimes by black people

Elderly White Lady Tortured With Boiling Water, Strangled

An elderly white lady was strangled in her house in Pullenshope, South Africa, on 1 June 2012.

Julie Cruse (72), who was the owner of a liquor store in the town was found by one of her employees in her house on 2 June.

The grandmother was overpowered by (obviously black) men, repeatedly kicked in the face, and eventually strangled.

boer genocide in south africa
Julie Cruse (72) murdered

The gang tortured the elderly woman for hours by throwing boiling water on her legs. An iron was found next to her corpse, which the attackers used to burn her on her stomach before they murdered her.

The murderers fled with about $700, perfume, 3 pairs of shoes and a golden necklace. They left her car in the garage.

This was obviously just another RACIST HATE CRIME in South Africa which the government is doing nothing about. The International media is silent about these murders.

Source: Elderly white woman tortured with boiling water before being strangled

Please help to spread the word about the plight of white South Africans and the genocide which is taking place with very little opposition from the ANC government. Take a moment to think about what it would feel like to be tortured with boiling water and a hot iron before you are strangled for $700.

White genocide - Our future in South Africa

It is proven without any kind of doubt that the ANC , ANCYL and its commrades has declared War against the white skin. It is also clear considering statistics and facts that our enemy is still at war with the white people 18 years after 1994 and intensifying same on a daily basis at political and ground level.
On a daily basis in the "New South-africa" White people are brutally murdered, attacked, raped, intimidated and ultimately oppressed.
It Touches a person when you see your fellow white raped with a broken bottle, tortured with Boiling water, Burned with a hot iron, Locked in a freezer to Die, Chopped up with a panga or begging at a robot because the ANC's Policy of affirmative action directly discriminates against White people when it comes to finding a Job.
I do believe the ANC is leading this nation into war.

Carte Blance Video on farm Murders   http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3S71PbichSw

Eugene Terreblance

Just like Eugene Terreblanche was murdered because of a wage dispute. If you don't get as much money as you were expecting for your Christmas bonus, doing this to your employer is justified by Black people:

Eugene terreblanche pictures hacked to death

Whites Murdered by Blacks

Whites murdered by blacks

Whites Murdered by Blacks

 

Since 1994, an estimated 68798 white South Africans have been murdered of which 4041 were commercial farmers. True figures are very hard to come by as the South African police fail to report most of the murders that take place. There is also no distinction between white and black victims in crime records.

As the white population of South Africa was 4 434 697 according to the official state census in 1996, and more than 400 000 white South Africans have left the country, it could be estimated that nearly 2% of white South Africans have been murdered in the 18 years of democracy.

Compare that to the 7518 black people that were murdered by the Apartheid government, which comes to a percentage of 0.02% of the black population.

So, if anybody ever asks you how many black people were killed by white people in South Africa, you can tell them that black people have murdered roughly 100 times more white people in the last 63 years.

 

White Farmers Murdered by Blacks

There were roughly 128 000 commercial farmers in South Africa in 1980. Today there are 40 000 commercial farmers left in South Africa.

Since 1994, an estimated 4041 farmers have been murdered and many more maimed, tortured, raped and assaulted.

The percentages are pretty alarming. Even though it's an inaccurate way of expressing murder rates, one could argue that almost 10% of white farmers in South Africa have been murdered.

The official data is that the murder rate of white South African Farmers (boers) is the highest in the world by profession. It is currently 310/100 000. In London, England, the probability of being murdered is 3/100 000.

It amazes me that white South Africans need to go through lengthy visa applications to enter English speaking nations - isn't it obvious that we should be able to claim asylum based on the fact that we have such a massive probability of being murdered in our own country?

White woman disembowled after killing south africawhite genocide farm murders south africa old men murdered
white women raped tortured and murdered by black south africanswhite genocide, farm killings, boer murders, south africa, anc

anc condones killing of white children in south africa on farmsfarmers murdered, anc, nelson mandela condones murder


 PLEASE DO NOT IGNORE THIS - 
WHITE GENOCIDE IN SOUTH AFRICA IS HAPPENING!

Infant wrapped in newspaper and torched

Hi-jacked, raped and stabbed to death




Source:
http://ajkraad.wix.com/genocide-museum#!




The main ingredient of genocide - HATE SPEECH:


Genocide has to come from somewhere. People won't just go out and start killing people because they feel disadvantaged or because of a wage dispute. They need to be called to action.

The world is turning a blind eye to the hate that drips from the ANC's lips. The ex-ANC Youth League President, Julius Malema, defied a court ruling that banned the ANC from singing "Kill the Boer" just hours after he left court. The courts are run by "racist whites" according to the ANC Youth League and they don't have any respect for any ruling unless it is in their favor.

Ronald Lamola, the current president of the ANCYL, is trying his best to outshine his predecessor by stepping up the hate speech against Afrikaners.

On 18 June 2012, Lamola told ANCYL members that "Land reform needs an act as forceful as war" and that it was an illusion that land would be given back to black South Africans "peacefully".

Afriforum has laid charges of hate-speech against Lamola earlier this month for other racially motivated slurs. Lamola is also calling for Nationalisation of banks and mines.

SA Constitution means nothing

1. A state of emergency may be declared only in terms of an Act of Parliament, and only when ­
a. the life of the nation is threatened by war, invasion, general insurrection, disorder, natural
disaster or other public emergency; and
In 2011, there were 142 397 violent crimes reported in South Africa.

15 940 murders, 15492 attempted murders, 14 667 armed robberies of businesses, 16889 armed robberies at homes, 

 10 627 hijackings, 56 272 rapes in a total of 68 332 sexual offences.

The Vietnam war took place from 5 August 1964 to 28 March 1973, a total of 8 years & 8 months. The Americans 

 lost 47 359 personnel to hostile deaths and 10 797 personnel in non hostile deaths, a total of 58 156.
This is a total of 6710 people per year on average.
South Africa’s murder rate is therefore 237,6% greater than the average death rate of Americans
fighting in the Vietnam war

Why has a state of emergency not declared